Monday 14 February 2011

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Enough Said

LRA Report: ‘Too Far from Home’

The Lord’s Resistance Army Disarmament and Northern Uganda Recovery Act of 2009 was the most widely supported Africa-specific U.S. legislation in recent history. It aims to eliminate the threat posed by a rebel group that has devastated central Africa for more than 20 years: killing and maiming civilians, abducting children and forcing them to fight or serve as sex slaves or “wives,” and looting villages. As required by the legislation, President Obama developed a strategy for ending the threat posed by the Lord’s Resistance Army, or LRA, and submitted it to Congress last November.

One of the central components of the strategy—and a critical task in addressing the LRA—is to promote the escape, disarmament, and reintegration of its fighters, many of whom have been abducted and forced to fight for the group.

In a paper released today by the Enough Project, Field Researcher Ledio Cakaj examines the challenges related to promoting the escape, disarmament, and reintegration of LRA fighters and presents several recommendations. Based on interviews with former LRA combatants, the report provides insight into why fighters leave the ranks, the risks and challenges they face in doing so, and the ways in which the government of Uganda and the international community can encourage defections. 

LRA fighters attempting to leave the rebellion face several risks and challenges, Cakaj found. First, fighters trying to escape will be beaten or killed if caught by LRA commanders. Once outside of the reach of their commanders, former LRA risk being lynched by the local populations of the Democratic Republic of Congo, Sudan, and the Central African Republic as well as being mistreated by the regional armies. Although an amnesty law exists in Uganda that requires the government to grant amnesty to former LRA combatants, it has refused during the past year to grant amnesty certificates and provide reintegration packages. The Ugandan army often holds the former LRA it captures in custody for several months and coerces them to join the army with no training and no salary. Finally, former members of the LRA are uncertain about how they will be received upon returning home. As Cakaj reports, “‘I was forced to kill my neighbors in front of everyone else,’ said a former fighter who had been with the LRA for 13 years. ‘How can I go back?’”

Disillusioned by his recent experiences in the LRA, one former combatant who escaped in Sudan said: “Kony lied to us when he said we were fighting for the rights of our people in Uganda. We were too far from home.” Facing forced recruitment in the army, fearing retribution from community members they were forced to attack when in the LRA, and lacking economic opportunities, people formerly with the LRA remain “far from home” even when they are physically in Uganda. 

The report makes several recommendations to support the defection of LRA fighters. It outlines key initiatives the Ugandan government should undertake in order to make return more appealing. Among these are ceasing to manipulate former fighters into joining the Ugandan forces, reinstituting the distribution of certificates of amnesty and reintegration packages, and developing a demobilization strategy.

A previous Enough report, “The Lord’s Resistance Army of Today,” showed that the LRA appears disorganized and lacking a centralized command, and that the number of fighters in the LRA is dwindling. Currently, only about 400 fighters remain, Cakaj reported in November. Given the disorganization, fragmentation, and depletion of the LRA, this is a critical time to permanently eliminate the threat it poses and restore peace and security to the people of central Africa.

 

Photo: LRA fighter sits in tall grass (AP)

City of Joy: Empowering Congo’s Women as Leaders

Women gather for the opening ceremony of City of Joy (Credit - VDay)

 

On February 4, many Congolese women were given a new ray of hope while commemorating the opening of City of Joy, a center in Bukavu, South Kivu province, where survivors of sexual violence can reignite their spirits and gain skills equipping them to become leaders in their communities. Eastern Congo is currently one of the most dangerous places in the world to be a woman, due to a violent conflict that has been raging for over a decade. Armed groups, both Congolese and foreign, use rape as a weapon of war to disperse, intimidate, and control mineral rich communities for their own personal gain.

City of Joy, built by Eve Ensler, head of well-known international women’s rights group V-day, in conjunction with UNICEF and the Panzi Foundation, marks a significant investment in Congo’s women as agents of change. Women in Congo continue to bear the disproportionate impact of this brutal conflict, and as this project indicates, Congo’s women will be instrumental in ushering in a new era of peace.

"City of Joy is the culmination of years of blood, sweat, tears, and dreams,” said Enough Project Co-founder John Prendergast. “It is a citadel of hope for women and girls throughout eastern Congo, but it is also a wider symbol for a better future for the country and its embattled people. The will and commitment of the Congolese women who have built the City of Joy is awe-inspiring, and Eve Ensler's vision for change and devotion to Congo is unparalleled."

U.S. and international leaders joined Ensler at the opening ceremony, including Melanne Verveer, U.S. Ambassador At Large for Global Women’s issues, U.N. Special Representative of the Secretary-General on Sexual Violence in Conflict Margot Wallström, and U.S. Congresswoman Jan Schakowsky (D-IL). Celebrity supporters including U.N. Goodwill Ambassador Charlize Theron, Rosario Dawson, Dylan McDermott, and Naomi Klein were also present.

Decision makers who commemorated the center opening are called on to remain steadfast in their commitment to deliver durable peace to Congo’s women – a peace that can only be delivered through the unwavering support of efforts on the ground, such as City of Joy, along with policy-based initiatives that tackle the drivers of the conflict, such as conflict minerals regulation and security sector reform. Together they hold the promise of bringing about an environment that returns long-term peace to Congo’s women and girls.

5 Stories You Might Have Missed This Week

Here at Enough, we often swap emails with interesting articles and feature stories that we come across in our favorite publications and on our favorite websites. We wanted to share some of these stories with you as part of our effort to keep you up to date on what you need to know in the world of anti-genocide and crimes against humanity work.

Reporter Colum Lynch, who covers all things U.N. at the Foreign Policy blog Turtle Bay, reflects on a year of tweeting and how it’s changing the way he follows his beat.

“If you’re buying chocolate this Valentine’s Day, you might want to stop and think about where it comes from,” said Morning Edition’s Steve Inskeep, introducing a piece  by NPR’s Ofeibea Quist-Arcton on the cocoa trade in Cote d’Ivoire. Despite an official ban on exporting the beans – an attempt to choke off a financial stream of former President Laurent Gbagbo – the black market for cocoa is thriving.

In an extended interview with The World’s Marco Werman, author Rebecca Hamilton discusses the findings of her just-published book Fighting for Darfur. Werman got right down to the questions that have stirred the movement in recent years, asking Hamilton whether the U.S. government could have stopped the genocide in Darfur:

“Not alone. If the U.S. government really felt like it was a priority that topped traditional national interests, it could have really pushed countries that have more leverage over Khartoum, in particular China, to really influence Khartoum’s behavior. (…) [T]he trouble was that the U.S. advocacy movement was so committed to the belief that if the U.S. government just wanted to badly enough then it could.”

Reporting for KALW News out of San Francisco, Becky Palmstrom talks with voters participating in the southern Sudan referendum from Kakuma refugee camp in Kenya. Sudanese refugees are watching with caution how crucial issues like security and governance will play out in southern Sudan post-referendum, but during the excitement of the vote, they were effusive about prospects for returning home.

Congo Siasa blogger Jason Stearns rolls out the first of a series of posts based on Wikileaks cables from the U.S. embassies in Kampala and Kigali. The first installment provides some candid observations about Congolese leaders, which are particularly interesting as Congo’s election approaches and we expect hear more about these personalities. Opposition leader Kamerhe (who Enough blogged about this week) features prominently.

Fighting Resumes Between Renegade General and South Sudan Army

Intense fighting broke out in South Sudan on Wednesday and Thursday, killing over 100 people, according to various news reports. The clashes took place between the southern army and renegade general George Athor’s forces, signaling an end to a ceasefire agreement that was signed between the two parties in early January. Coming just days after the official announcement of South Sudan’s overwhelming vote for secession, this most recent violence is an example of just one of the many challenges the new state will face going forward.

Why fighting has resumed between Athor’s men and the SPLA remains unclear, although southern representatives have long pointed a finger North, accusing the Sudanese government of continuing its wartime strategy of supporting southern militias to destabilize the South. Last September, the SPLA seized a helicopter that they claimed had flown from Khartoum to deliver supplies to Athor. Southern officials also said they discovered some of Athor’s men on board.

Whether the SPLA or Athor’s forces initiated the fighting is also unclear, with spokespeople for both sides accusing the other of launching the attack. Clashes took place in Fangak county, in the northwest corner of Jonglei state, where Athor has been operating since last May. According to media reports, Athor’s forces occupied Fangak on Wednesday, but by Thursday the SPLA had reclaimed the area. Fighting subsided today, but the situation remains fragile and unsettled.

Athor, formerly a high-ranking SPLA official, launched a rebellion following the April 2010 elections, during which he was a contender for—and lost—the Jonglei state governor’s seat. Following an offer of amnesty from South Sudanese President Kiir, Athor entered into negotiations with the South Sudanese government in October to settle the terms for reconciliation. Failure to reach an agreement in October led to renewed talks in December, during which time fighting broke out again between the SPLA and Athor’s men. A hasty ceasefire agreement was signed just days before the January 9 referendum.

The so-called permanent ceasefire agreement designated ceasefire zones and laid out a timeline for Athor’s troops to assemble and begin to integrate into the southern army. Notably, the sensitive issue of what rank Athor and his men would receive upon integration was not laid out in the agreement.

Representatives for both the SPLA and Athor have claimed they remain committed to a peaceful settlement. The scale of this bout of fighting, though—as well as last week’s fighting in Malakal which was initiated by yet another southern militia—is a reminder that reconciliation in the South is far from complete and will remain a tough, but immediate task for the South Sudanese government.

Photo: SPLA (IRIN)

U.S. Sudan Envoy Leaving Post

The White House announced yesterday what has been expected for several months: its special envoy to Sudan, Scott Gration, is moving on to become U.S. ambassador to Kenya.

The announcement comes at a crucial moment in Sudan, where despite the successful referendum for South Sudan, many urgent priorities persist. Critical North-South negotiations need to be addressed on a tight timeline, the situation in Darfur is deteriorating, and the need to pave the way for good governance in the future independent countries is acute – all of which will require high-level international engagement.

It is important during this period of transition that the U.S. ensures that there is strong coordination between the two high-ranking officials dispatched to address North-South negotiations (Ambassador Princeton Lyman) and the Darfur peace process (Ambassador Dane Smith) to ensure that neither process can be used to undermine the other, as they have in the past.

Enough Co-Founder John Prendergast argues, "It is crucial that the president and senior administration officials remain deeply engaged, deploy staff to both processes to work full-time and on-location until peace is achieved in both Darfur and southern Sudan, and name an official quickly who can ensure strong coordination between the two parallel efforts."

Photo: U.S. Special Envoy for Sudan General Scott Gration (M. Goldberg)

Ahead of Congo Election, Opposition Leader Makes Rounds in D.C.

Congo watchers in D.C. got an inside look last week at the politics surrounding the country’s presidential election, coming up in November. As part of a panel series sponsored by the Center for Strategic and International Studies’ Africa Program, opposition leader and presidential candidate Vital Kamerhe discussed the current political environment in Congo, preparations for the elections, and the potential formation of a unified opposition against current President Joseph Kabila. (A video of the full event is here).

Kamarhe, the president and co-founder of the Union for the Congolese Nation, or UNC, formerly served as Kabila’s presidential campaign manager during the 2006 elections and was later elected to parliament serving the Bukavu district of South Kivu. In December Kamarhe resigned from parliament and began a tour of Congo signifying the start of his presidential bid.

The election season in Congo has already been controversial.  Last month, as reported by Enough field researcher Fidel Bafilemba, President Kabila revised the electoral law in the Congolese constitution to eliminate the multi-round run-off vote system. With the new rules, the candidate with the largest percentage of votes—even if not a majority—would win the election.

According to Kamarhe, this constitutional review was prompted by his parliamentary resignation and the jubilant return of veteran opposition leader Etienne Tshisekedi to Kinshasa after five years of medical exile abroad. With Tshisekedi abroad and 2006 presidential contender Jean-Pierre Bemba standing trial at The Hague, Kabila and his inner-circle previously regarded this year’s elections as a sure-bet. Now they are showing signs of concern about the revitalized opposition movement.

The elimination of a second round of voting has prompted discussion of a political triumvirate, unifying the opposition leaders of Tshisekedi, Kamerhe, and Bemba’s MLC party. Kamerhe spoke in support of such a union and continuously reiterated his call for cooperation among the opposition in combating Kabila and the current power.

In calling for a prosperous, stable, and strong Congo, he expounded upon his “vision for the Congo” which included plans for army reform, economic development programs, an end to corruption in the justice system, respect for human rights, and an end to impunity for those committing atrocious acts of sexual violence. Though his rhetoric touched upon many of the problems currently plaguing the region, it is yet to be seen whether a candidate with such close ties to the current government could really be the reformer he espouses to be.

Further, his pledge to build a nation that respects human rights must also be regarded as suspect. Kamarhe has continuously aligned himself with Bemba, visiting the indicted war criminal at The Hague and calling him a friend. Even if this respect for Bemba is mere political posturing to secure the MLC’s supporters that earned Bemba 42 percent of the vote in the 2006 elections, it is nearly impossible to regard Kamarhe’s human rights rhetoric as credible when he so closely allies himself with someone on trial for crimes against humanity and war crimes—including murder, rape, and pillaging.

This year’s presidential contest has garnered far less international attention – judging by engagement and financial support– in comparison to the strong interest in Congo’s historic election of 2006. This year’s election – only its second in nearly 50 years – is an important moment for Congo. It provides an opportunity for the international community to draw attention to governance and press for reforms on issues that fuel and perpetuate conflict in the country, like security, corruption, human rights, economic development, and natural resource management.

The brewing controversy apparent in Kamarhe’s remarks – and those by other opposition candidates – should also be a reminder of how volatile an election in Congo could be. At the very least, the international community, including the U.S. governement, should work to ensure that the vote doesn’t spur new conflict in a country already over-burdened.

Photo: Congo President Joseph Kabila (AP)

Crackdown in North: A Preview of Sudan Post-Secession?

The violent government response to peaceful protests in Sudan last week is an alarming reminder that without external engagement, the Sudanese government is likely to continue a ruling strategy that has so far led to more conflict than peace in the country’s history.

Youth-led protests, triggered by economic and political frustrations, took place across major cities beginning last weekend, but were quickly shut down by the week’s end. The number of demonstrators was relatively small compared to protests in neighboring Egypt; initially, thousands turned out, and then the number of participants dropped into the hundreds late last week.

According to numerous news reports, Sudanese security forces responded to the largely peaceful protests with tear gas and beatings with water pipes and sticks, reportedly causing one student’s death. A handful of human rights groups have also reported on a large number of arrests—113 at one point, according to the Africa Center for Justice and Peace Studies. More alarming are the many individuals that remain in detention, with no communication to the outside and no rights guaranteed under Sudanese law.

“Sudanese authorities have long used national security powers to arrest and detain political activists, often mistreating or torturing them in detention (…),” warned Human Rights Watch in a statement following the protests. Opposition journalists have also been targeted.

The ruling National Congress Party’s response to the protests is only the latest indication that the Sudanese government will continue to curtail political space, violate human rights, and even commit war crimes, in order to maintain its control over the state and to enforce its vision of what Sudan should be. In a number of public remarks, Sudanese President Omar al-Bashir has said that he intends Sudan to be a Sharia-based Islamic state with no “diversity of culture and ethnicity” after secession. In a New York Times piece on the fate of the North, Bec Hamilton writes:

“The southern case against the N.C.P.’s vision of Sudan is well understood. Less appreciated are the longstanding efforts of many northerners to also reject the imposition of this unitary Islamic-Arab identity on “our beautiful Sudan.” For them, the south of the country has been a counterweight. (…) With the south now out of the equation, dissident northerners fear being left without allies at a critical moment in the battle to define their new country.”

So what allies do proponents of an inclusive and diverse Sudan in the North have? The U.S. would seem an obvious one. But in recent remarks from Secretary of State Hillary Clinton and Deputy Secretary of State Jim Steinberg, the need for good governance and multi-party democracy in only the new South was emphasized—the need for political reform in the new North was notably absent from the message.

The Obama administration has already pledged its biggest points of leverage toward solidifying a peaceful and smooth separation and improving conditions in Darfur. In the interest of stability, the U.S. government also seeks to reassure the Sudanese government of its political and economic wellbeing after secession. Simultaneously pressing for good governance in the North will be a difficult and delicate task. Nevertheless, it should be an integral piece of the U.S.’s policy toward Sudan going forward and understood as a necessary step toward preventing future conflict in Sudan.

Photo: Security forces beat protestors in Sudan. (Twitter)

South Sudan Set to Gain Independence in July

A young man wearing an Obama t-shirt arrives at a polling station outside of Juba (Enough - Laura Heaton)

 

Now it’s official. With nearly 99 percent of people voting in favor of secession in last month’s referendum, southern Sudan is now on course to become the world’s newest country on July 9. The Southern Sudan Referendum Commission announced the official results today in Khartoum.

As news came out of the official count, the White House and State Department rolled out statements congratulating the people of southern Sudan. President Obama said in a statement that the United States intends to recognize southern Sudan as a sovereign country and urged Sudan’s leaders to “ensure that this historic moment of promise becomes a moment of lasting progress”:

As I pledged in September when addressing Sudanese leaders, the United States will continue to support the aspirations of all Sudanese—north and south, east and west.  We will work with the governments of Sudan and Southern Sudan to ensure a smooth and peaceful transition to independence.  For those who meet all of their obligations, there is a path to greater prosperity and normal relations with the United States, including examining Sudan’s designation as a State Sponsor of Terrorism.  And while the road ahead will be difficult, those who seek a future of dignity and peace can be assured that they will have a steady partner and friend in the United States.

Secretary Clinton, in a statement, reinforced the president’s view on incentives, providing further details about what benchmarks must be met:

Removal of the State Sponsor of Terrorism designation will take place if and when Sudan meets all criteria spelled out in U.S. law, including not supporting international terrorism for the preceding six months and providing assurance it will not support such acts in the future, and fully implements the 2005 Comprehensive Peace Agreement, including reaching a political solution on Abyei and key post-referendum arrangements.

Anticipating today’s announcement and in response to the SSRC’s preliminary results, Enough and partners in the Sudan Now campaign issued a statement late last week congratulating the parties on the smooth voting process but also taking the opportunity to press for continued U.S. engagement. Enough’s John Prendergast said:

"This historic referendum lays the groundwork for a real opportunity for peace in Sudan. President Obama said that for normalization with the U.S. to occur, there has to be peace in all of Sudan. We hope his administration lives up to that pledge and continues to enhance its efforts for peace in Darfur and the South."

NBA Star Luol Deng Raises Awareness for Sudanese Refugees

In a new awareness-raising video, the U.N. refugee agency, known as UNHCR, features Luol Deng, former southern Sudanese refugee and seventh-season star of the Chicago Bulls. It's an inspiring piece that follows Deng on his visit to Kakuma refugee camp in Kenya and his return to southern Sudan for the first time since his family fled in 1992. The video highlights Deng's success story since leaving Sudan during the North-South civil war and the hopes of the many Sudanese refugees who UNHCR continues to support.

The piece is part of a wider effort to raise awareness of the plight of refugees and UNHCR's efforts to support their needs. UNHCR provides everything from basic needs such as food, health care, and shelter, to durable solutions such as education and resettlement for more than 36 million refugees and internally displaced people worldwide.

Luol Deng is also a co-captain of the Darfur Dream Team, which raises funds to support UNHCR's education efforts in Darfuri refugee camps in eastern Chad.

5 Stories You Might Have Missed This Week

Here at Enough, we often swap emails with interesting articles and feature stories that we come across in our favorite publications and on our favorite websites. We wanted to share some of these stories with you as part of our effort to keep you up to date on what you need to know in the world of anti-genocide and crimes against humanity work.

The tremendous demonstration of people power in Egypt for the last week and a half has kept us here at Enough riveted to ongoing developments. Scott Horton offers one explanation in this Foreign Policy article for why Egyptian President Hosni Mubarak—or any other dictator for that matter—would cling to power even when the inevitable is near: life in exile as a former dictator is simply not that great. In a time in which ex-leaders are no longer granted immunity for past abuses, leaving office paves the way for criminal probes from international and domestic prosecutors alike.

African expert Nicolas van de Walle offers two lessons gleaned from the ousting of Tunisian leader Zine al-Abidine Ben Ali. "[P]roviding unconditional diplomatic support and foreign aid to a dictator may be smart in the short run, but often leads to disaster in the long run," he writes.

Al-Jazeera provides footage on the protests—and  subsequent crackdown—in Sudan in a segment that also highlights the gap in opinion among the Sudanese population toward President Omar al-Bashir’s over two decades-long regime.

With South Sudan’s independence around the corner, the southern government had to settle on one detail first—the new country’s name. This piece in the Mail and Guardian Online laments the ultimate choice—South Sudan—and takes a look at the origins of state names across the continent.

And in this podcast, Human Rights Watch interviews survivors of Lord’s Resistance Army attacks in northeastern Congo.

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